Tattoos of Sumba

by Jamie Saul

Background

Located in the extreme west of the East Nusa Tenggara Chain , the Island of Sumba has, while linguistically connected to the inhabitants of Sumbawa and western Flores, developed it's own particular cultural patterns within the overall structure identifiable to eastern Indonesia.

The Island itself can be divided in broad cultural terms into two sections forming east and west Sumba in which the former is more or less homogenous with the inhabitants speaking dialects of Kambera, while the latter is further broken down into various separate domains speaking mutually distinct dialects and characterised in former times by a continual state of warfare with reciprocal head-hunting and raiding.

However, in the larger sense, certain common threads do emerge including the characteristic Indonesian division into three main social classes, those represented by noble lineages, free commoners and at the bottom the slaves and their descendants. In addition Sumba has other intermediate or sub-classes incorporating a class which provided priests and classes evolved from mixtures between the three main classes.

In the eastern division and, to a lesser extent, the western division there is an additional distinction between those who provided wives and those who received them, with the former regarded as ritually superior. Kinship patterns varied between the different ethnic communities and in the east a complicated system of asymmetrical alliance had developed through this system which played an important part in daily and ritual life.

The assembly and display of wealth was another important facet of Sumba life, particularly among the nobility and resulted in series of feasts of merit similar to those found on Nias which enhanced the prestige and reputation of the giver, culminating in those connected with the death ceremonies in which huge stones were dragged up and used to construct elaborate megalithic tombs adorned with carvings depicting the lineage and achievements of the individual.

Historically, apart from earlier alliances with various Indonesian kingdoms, Sumba was largely left to it's own devices with very little interference beyond occasional trading missions by Indonesian, Portuguese and Dutch boats until the Dutch assumed nominal control in 1866. The Sumbanese did not take kindly to foreign attempts at domination and more than other islanders fiercely resisted attempts to impose foreign religions on them. This active resistance drove the Dutch to embark on a pacification programme designed to subdue the inhabitants and bring them under their control, this control being administered by payment of certain stipends in gold to the various domain rulers who in turn were expected to control their subjects. The determination of the Sumbanese to resist domination enabled the retention of indigenous religious and customary practices with very little mission interference as experienced in other parts and the fact that full control was not exercised by the Dutch until after 1910 helped to maintain this balance.

However, the focus of this particular study is the custom of tattoo and it's place within the overall cultural frame and the following notes will concentrate on this aspect of culture and how it interleaves within the general framework.

General

The art of tattoo was followed by both sexes and when Kruyt toured the island circa 1920, he remarked on the presence of this custom throughout , particularly in the western part which he regarded as the heartland of tattoo, a prevalence earlier remarked on by Ten Kate.

As to whether tattoo had spread from west to east or vice versa or indeed sprung from the same source and developed along different lines is open to question, although it should be mentioned that Kruyt was told in Langgaliroe, a village in the area seperating west from central Sumba, that they had learned the art of tattoo from Ankala, a western village.

Whatever the antecedents, tattooing was universal and certainly in the west continues to be practised on a diminished scale, Geirnaert Martin reporting that by the early 1980's it was gradually being abandoned in the Laboya area of west Sumba due to the pain involved and the risk of secondary blood poisoning. At this time most women with tattooed legs were over the age of 50. Needham also reported that tattoo was no longer in use during his researches in the Mamboru area although in other areas such as Kodi notwithstanding the fact that tattoo was no longer practised, there were still many women with tattoo marks in the 1970's as photographed by Hoskins.

As well as tattoo, other forms of skin mutilation were met with and Needham points out that youths in Mamboru would produce scars by igniting small tufts of tinder and leaving these on their arms until they were extinguished. This was done as a test of endurance and called "dutu lada" , the same custom being referred to as "mutu lada" in Kodi. This practise was ceased around 1920.

Local name

Tattoo was called "kakatoe" or "katati" in central Sumba (Ten Kate gives this as "katatu" or "Watoepde"),being known as "katakko" in Wajewa and "kamadila" in Laboya. Forth confirms the name as "katatu" for Rindi.

Origin:

At this stage I have not been able to locate any legends referring to the origin or use of tattoo.

Sex and body parts tattooed:

Tattoo was chiefly applied to women, the lower legs being the main focus in Lamboya, others extending the shin and calve tattoo to the thighs, while arm tattoo was also encountered although, according to Kruyt, this was not considered essential. Certainly Hoskins pictures a women from Kodi in western Sumba with forearm tattoo although does not mention as to whether this was the common style in that district. Kodi wome also tattooed the thighs and legs Ten Kate mentions that in the north western areas as far as he could see the preference was for arms and legs with the women concentrating on the legs. Conversely, Forth says that in Rindi the lower arm was the most common, tattoo being less common on the upper and lower legs.

In the Mamboru men formerly tattooed on the chest while women on the legs and thighs. In Melola in eastern Sumba, Ten Kate saw a man with both arms tattooed.

Needham mentions that in Lamboya men tattoed on the chest and arms.

Pattern

Although Kruyt states that female pattern did not follow any specific form, being merely a black mark on the shin, Hoskins reports that pattern on the eastern side of the island was largely representational, including figures that looked like python, deer, horses, dogs, roosters and other animals. Forth also mentions the use of animals in tattoo for Rindi and includes rampant lions (no doubt under Dutch influence) deer, horses, cockatoos, chickens, shrimp, fish, python etc, in fact every pattern used to decorate textiles. Names were also becoming quite common and sometimes a small cross (kapala mulungu) on the lower arm was regarded as sufficient as a minimal requirement for women. Further west motifs usually took the form of more geometric shapes, although included the "mamuli" ( an omega shaped ornament sometimes worn as an ear pendant and said to represent female genitals) and parts of various animals such as horses tails, Buffalo eyes, etc., these being the exchange items given in bride price payments. Hoskins further mentions that the same patterns were also used on woven goods, Ten Kate confirming this and adding pottery to the list, stating that (in Mamboru?) some patterns used were common to both tattoo and weaving such as a pointed triangle.

Certainly the patterns of Kodi ladies pictured by Hoskins are geometric in appearance with pairs of parallel lines encircling the forearm with attached rounded triangular shapes on top and rows of parallel zigzags over. (these are virtually identical to a pattern collected by Ten Kate in west Sumba, albeit in a condensed version)

In Laboya we have some specific information regarding pattern in that the first female tattoo on the thighs consisted of liana and floral motifs or patterns which were inspired by such vegetation as the Cassava creeper found in the cultivated fields. The second tattoo done on the shins was patterned after a buffalo head or body, with the next or calve tattoo comprising a pair of buffalo horns( "kaduna kamadila" - tattoo of the horned one.) Interestingly Geirnaert -Martin refers to the buffalo as the expression of dewa related to prestige incurred by males including that gained by fighting and killing.

For male patterns these appeared to differ considerably and Hoskins believed that there was a fair amount of variety in male styles as compared to female, in most parts of the island female tattoo being linked to motifs used to decorate textiles.

As far as these patterns go, in Kodi they mainly consisted of simple designs such as stars or horns in traditional format although increasingly personal names, usually that of the wearer, were coming into fashion. In similar fashion in the Laboya area stars were tattooed on the chest of brave men and their descendants in historic times although latterly tattoo had fallen into disuse among most males and the main remaining patterns were those of personal names tattooed on the arms of the older wealthy. Kruyt again reports that the most common male design was that of the rooster, although he positions one on each breast. In addition Kruyt saw representations of stars, lizards, snakes, birds and human beings, in one case even reporting a Dutch lion which he saw on the back of the hand of one of the Kambera nobility.Ten Kate also shows a rooster pattern from Watupele in East Sumba, which was seen on the right forearm of a young man.

Motivation

All informants agree that female tattoo was generally applied at puberty or as soon as possible after marriage, Hoskins stating that tattoo in Kodi was generally done after marriage as " a rite of maturity" and, being restricted to those who had proven their ability to reproduce, followed the birth of the first child being " a badge of reproductive success, which also marks the fact that the woman has been fully incorporated into her husbands patrilineage" . The permanence of the tattoo reflecting the permanence of the woman's inclusion into this patrilineage to which she had already been raised through the sacrifice to his ancestors. Children were regarded as the ultimate symbol of a woman's position and in addition qualified her to serve as an official representative of her husband's house in transactions such as negotiation of bride price etc., tattoo marks being proof of this position. This more elevated status as producer of descendants for the house is marked by the transference of textile patterns onto her skin . Similar reasons were advanced for tattoo in Laboya where female tattoo was related to fecundity and the change in status from child to adult, being compared to circumcision among males which served a similar function and additionally demonstrated the differences between the sexes. Girls were tattooed after puberty as a sign that they were able to procreate and were effectively reborn as adults or full members of society, now being regarded as "complete persons with new skins".(Interestingly, in Laboya a girl being tattooed for the first time receives a new cloth from her maternal grandmother) At about this time their emergence as an adult was further marked in that they were now taught how to weave and plant crops. As evidence of continuing fecundity, buffalo patterns were tattooed after the birth of the first child, with additional buffalo pattern tattoo being added after the birth of her second child to show not only her capacity to give birth in her husband's house but also that she has now become part of her husband's "buffalo house". This tattoo indicated that the bearer had increased not only her "dewa" as a fertile woman but also that of her husbands "Uma", and testified her emergence as a new link which in turn represented a new generation in the relationship between "wife givers" and "wife takers" thus constituting a "buffalo house" or "buffalo uma" which formed the basic unit of Laboya society. ("Dewa" was the enduring spiritual component of a person) In a similar context, tattoo also asserted that the girl had inherited the ability to handle the flow of mawo which is identified as the putrescible component of a person.(literally a shadow)

In addition, tattoo served as a form of beauty enhancer and status indicator and distinguished humans from animals. Men did not seek out women who were not tattooed as their marriage partners and the increase in tattoo following the birth of children elevated the status of the women, those with fully tattooed legs being considered of higher status than others such as newly wed girls who would "show the white lower part of their legs when crossing a river".

The badge of tattoo defining married women was the cause of a number of young women in Kodi being tattooed to prevent their rape by Dutch soldiers when they took over the area in 1911. The reasoning being that the soldiers would identify them as married and mothers and leave them alone!

Due to the fact that certain tattoos in Kodi were only seen by the husband of a woman, these exercised a strong erotic lure and led to emergence of calculated insults by young children who would shout out "your mother has no tattoos on her thighs" implying by this that this was common knowledge and suggesting looseness. Another result of speculation regarding the particular beauty of an individual's tattoo marks led to her being kidnapped by an interested suitor and his eventually marrying her. Hoskin's also suggests that thigh tattoo may contain an element of vanity, by it's very concealment by the customary sarong, hinting at hidden delights to those men who were prevented from seeing them.

Forth mentions that, in Rindi, tattooing was done in order that the tattooee be considered as fully adult and no longer a child.

Tattoo was however an individual rather than group activity and concerned the person tattooed and immediate relatives only.

Information given to Kruyt from Loura in the north west refers to the belief that before tattoo was introduced the dead were consumed by fire in the afterlife, a belief also met with in Timor, the theory being that tattoo formed a badge of recognition which absolved the wearer from this treatment. However, Kruyt believed this particular belief to be an import from Timor as not only was it usually confined to this area but also referred to arm tattoo and not to the more usual leg tattoo. Kruyt mentions that this belief did not appear to be current anywhere else in Sumba. Needham also came across a similar belief in Mamboru that a woman was tattooed on the thighs in order that when she reached the land of the dead she will be able to use the tattoos to pay for the materials to make her cooking fire. The same reasons were advanced to Forth in Rindi where he was told that it was necessary to buy fire in the land of the dead and that any request from a non tattooed person would be refused, he also mentions a belief, put forward by Kapita but unconfirmed in his area, that even entry into the land of the dead would be refused to the un-tattooed, . These are seen to suggest that tattoo is a preparatory mark for death as well as decoration.

In any event the importance of tattoo is underscored by the fact that in Lamboya should a girl die before she can be tattooed then tattoo thorns and the fruit for making the tattoo dye are buried with her. (presumably so that she has the essentials to obtain tattoo in the hereafter and thus either render her capable of recognition or, possibly, so that she can use these to ease her path .)

On the subject of male tattoo, Kruyt suggests that this is largely done as a matter of personal choice by the man and was not essential, although Ten Kate proposes that the tattoo marks may be of an amuletic nature, having recorded a rooster tattoo on the right forearm of a young man from Watupele, the rooster playing an important role in the spiritual world of Indonesia as well as being used as a fetish and in oracular rituals in Sumba.

Geirnaert Martin, however, introduces another reason for tattoo which links it with warfare and headhunting in where she states that old men of Laboya who had been particularly successful in headhunting in their younger years had the right to tattoo a star "madu" on their chests. This was a sign that they had been feared war leaders or "mori-bani". Male descendants of these warriors were also entitled to tattoo a star on their chests to display their lineage and to wear special cloths with a wide twined border. Such men who displayed the star as a sign of their bravery were known as "ata pangara" or people of renown and belonged to the "ata ngora" (people of the face) class, one of the highest classes of free men. In addition the "dewa" of these men was considered to be the most powerful. As discussed previously, the accumulation of dewa is of considerable importance in Laboya society and this factor alone would be as important as the visible sign of martial prowess demonstrated by the tattoo marks displayed by the wearer.

Male tattoo was, at least in more modern times, less well integrated into the life cycle than that of women and allowed a greater flexibility in choice.

Time of application

Female tattoo was applied following the first menstruation in Laboya, the initial tattoo taking place on the thighs. The next tattoo was performed after the birth of the first child and was applied to the shins, the calves being tattooed following the birth of the second child. (Kruyt confirms this two stage operation but however states that the calves followed nearly a month after the shins.)

For the first leg tattoo, when the woman falls pregnant a skilled tattooer is contacted and a date set for a few months after the birth. In some instances in the case of a nubile girl, the first leg tattoo is performed as soon as the girl's father receives the first wedding prestations from the future groom's family, with the rear of the legs being completed after the woman falls pregnant after moving into her husbands home.

Should for any reason the tattoo be unsuccessful then the "mowal" (oracle necklace(?)) was consulted to find the reason and, depending on the result of this, one or more "marapoe"(?) offered (sacrificed?)

The usual time for tattooing was at the onset of the first major rains of the season.

In addition, in Laboya young girls are expected to dress in a particular fashion immediately after receiving their first tattoo.

For Kodi, the procedure was different and a young bride could have her forearm tattooed first after conceiving her first child but could not get her calves and thighs tattooed until she had produced several healthy children.

In Rindi most people tattooed in their mid teens, but it could not be ascertained whether this was done before or after circumcision or teeth filing or in what order tattoo was performed.

Practitioners

In a general note, Kruyt states that the actual application of tattoo was always done by women, who received gifts for their services, receiving a spear, a knife, a ring, cooked rice and pig or chicken flesh.

Older women performed this function in Kodi, in addition usually serving as mid wife's and herbalists, while in Rindi, anyone who had the skills could tattoo.

Process

In Kodi a small ceremonial offering of a chicken was made before being tattooed individually. This being made to the spirit of the maternal village of the person being tattooed i.e the lete binye or "doorway and steps" that she came from, this being to ensure the consent of her ancestors. Tattooing was a painful process, not only because of the thorns creating the puncture marks but from the stinging of the candlenut and ashes which were rubbed into the wounds as the tattooing progressed.

Dye

The dye, which according to Ten Kate was of a blue-black colour , was made from the nut of the fruit of the Kemiri ("kaniri") which was burned and pounded to a fine state, presumably being mixed with water. This may possibly be the candlenut, as Hoskins mentions that the dye was made from the soot of the candlenut crushed in with a mixture of ashes. Soot was mixed in a solution with sugar cane (ashes?) for dye in Rindi, forming a fine mix.

Tattoo implements

Kruyt describes the tattoo implements consisted of the thorn (thorns ?) of the lemon-dorens bush ("tara moede" ) which were fixed to a handle and then used to beat the pattern in by tapping the head of the handle so as to puncture the skin. In Kodi, where they were known "wu munde" several lemon thorns were also used as the puncturing instrument in a similar procedure, the same thorns appearing in Rindi.

There are no further details on the actual methods used to apply tattoo.

Summary

From an examination of the above it can be seen that certainly in latter times tattoo was more important in the female rather than the male spheres of life. It is, however, possible that the restrictions placed on fighting and the banning of head-hunting have in fact altered male tattoo from a significant badge of their martial achievements to that of decorative motif and thus decreased it's importance among males. It is most probable that the usage of tattoo as a symbol of renown extended beyond the Laboya area from where it was reported by Geirnaert to other districts and that it's significance may not have been picked up by earlier observers. After all it is only really in more recent times that any in-depth research has been carried out in this field and that only in limited areas. In basic terms, Geirnaert-Martin states that "circumcision and tattooing stress the differentiation of sex and it's corresponding responsibilities in adult life" This is a more generalised statement alluding to the preponderance of tattooing among women and it's role in identifying a change in status and should not be taken to assume that only females tattooed.

In general terms tattoo is linked with the giving of life among females and reinforces not only their own change of status from girl to woman but also their ability to give life themselves and to maintain the cosmic balance of the group in general and their husband's "Uma" in particular.

Hoskins provides another clue to the imbedded importance of tattoo in that it was classified together with circumcision in Kodi, both actions being acts of "sharpness" and thus key characteristics of a violent and inauspicious death. This ritualised sharpness by it's intentional imposition of pain on the sufferer, cleanses and purifies them by it's act and allows them to emerge ready to fulfil their prime functions in life, i.e. marrying and giving life to children.

As to whether tattoo was a cultural remnant from the original inhabitants, was imported from neighbouring islands or was a local development is virtually impossible to ascertain, although later comparison with other Indonesian groups practising the art may help to throw some light on the situation. Of the three possibilities, it is most unlikely that tattoo is autochthonous and most likely that it came with the ancestors of the present peoples and has possibly since been modified by exposure to other cultural elements impacting on the island over the centuries. Certainly the type of tattoo tool used, the dye mixture and certain of the reasons given for tattoo have their parallels in neighbouring tattooing cultures and indicate connections or influences forming a common bond throughout the area.

Bibliography:

Forth G. Rindi Hague 1981

Geirnaert Martin D. "The woven land of Laboya" Leiden1992

Hoskins J. "Arts and cultures of Sumba" in "Islands and ancestors" edited D.Newton, J.P.Barbier. Prestel 1988

Hoskins J. Why do ladies sing the blues? In "Cloth and human experience ed Weiner A. Washington 1990

Hoskins J. Play of Time 1993

Kruyt A.C. "Verslag van een reis over het eiland Soemba TKNAG No 4 Vol 38 1921

Needham R. Mamboru Oxford 1987

Rodgers S. Power and Gold Munich 1990

Ten Kate H. Beitrage zur ethnographie der Timorgruppe. IAE vol 7 1894

Ten Kate H. Verslag eener Reis in de Timorgroep. TKNAG Vol 11 1894a

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